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S652 SPEECH 

Copy 1 



OF 



MR. CALEB B. SMITH, OF INDIANA, 



ON THE 



OREGON QUESTION. 



Delivered in the House of Representatives U. S., January 1 , 1846. 



WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED BYJ.tG. S, GIDEON 

1846. 












i 



/ 



SPEECH 



The Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union , having 
under consideration the joint resolution reported from the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs, directing the President to give notice to Great Britain that 
the United States will terminate the convention between the two Govern- 
ments, providing for the joint occupation of the Oregon territory, at the ex- 
piration of twelve months — 

Mr. CALEB B. SMITH, having obtained the floor .said, that an impres- 
sion seemed to prevail, not only with gentlemen here, but through the pub- 
lic press, that the Oregon question was peculiarly a Western question. Ap- 
peals had been addressed to Western members, which seemed to indicate an 
opinion that the West alone had an interest in the question. It has also, 
said Mr. Smith, been frequently intimated that the West desired to involve 
the country in a war with Great Britain. The gentleman from Alabama, 
(Mr. Yancey,) who has just taken his seat, has made an eloquent appeal 
to Western members to abate their warlike propensities, and to suffer the 
peace of the country to continue undisturbed. As a Western man myself, 
identified with the people of that section of the country, and sympathizing 
with their views and feelings, I disclaim, utterly, on their behalf, the sec- 
tional character with which it is sought to stamp this question. I deny that 
it is to be regarded in any peculiar sense as a Western question, or that it 
should be determined with any special reference to Western interests. It 
is true, Mr. Chairman, that' the people of the West feel a deep interest 
in this question, and look with anxiety for its ultimate settlement. It is 
true that they appreciate fully the importance of the Oregon territory, as 
well as the title by which our Government claims it. It is true that there 
is, throughout the whole valley of the Mississippi, an ardent desire that the 
honor aswell as the interest of the United States should be preserved in the 
maintenance of the just rights, not of the West alone, but of the whole 
country, in the Oregon territory. But, sir, I do not believe that the people 
of the. West, any more than those of other sections of the Union, desire war 
with Great Britain, or any other nation. 1 do not believe that they desire 
that the settlement of this question should be submitted to the stern arbitia- 
ment of the sword, while other means of an honorable adjustment are left. 
A war with England would not, in my opinion, be the most certain means 
of securing our rights in Oregon. Without war they will be maintained. 
The arts of peace will more certainly and securely accomplish what we de- 
sire than war. For, although I cannot believe that the strong arms and 
patriotic hearts of the American people will ever suffer the territory to be 
-wrested from us by a foreign foe, yet it cannot be denied that a war, at this 
time, with Great Britain, would greatly hazard its loss. 

It has been urged that the West is inclined to favor a war upon the Ore- 



gon question , because , it is alleged, that our people are remote from the 
point of danger, and that a war would occasion an increased market and an 
enhanced demand for their agricultural products. It is a great mistake, sir, 
to suppose that the people of the West will not be exposed to danger in the 
event of a war. They are not so insulated in their position, or so divided 
from their brethren, as to relieve them from a share of the common dangers. 
The history of the country abundantly proves that, in the day of her neces- 
sity, they were not so far distant but that they could hear her call, and were 
not too unmindful of her welfare to fly to the rescue, and spill their best 
blood in her defence. In the event of a war with Great Britain, the Cana- 
da border would become the principal scene of the contest. Those portions 
of the West which lie contiguous to our Northern lakes would be immedi- 
ately exposed to the inroads of the enemy, and the West would furnish her 
full share of the armies upon which the Government would rely for either 
defence or invasion. 

Nor is there any more truth, sir, in the assumption that the agricultural 
products of the Mississippi valley will derive an increased value from a 
foreign war. A war with Great Britain would at once cut off our exports. 
Our ports would be blockaded and our foreign markets destroyed. The 
productions of the West, instead of finding a market as they now do in 
Europe, would be compelled to seek purchasers at home ; and, as a neces- 
sary consequence, their value would be greatly diminished. But, sir, I 
must be allowed , on behalf of that portion of the people of the West whom 
I have the honor to represent, utterly to disclaim and repudiate any con- 
siderations so sordid and selfish. I should blush to acknowledge any con- 
nection with them , if I could believe them capable of harboring a desire to 
involve the country in a war that they might speculate upon the blood and 
sufferings of other portions of the country. No, sir, if there is any peculiar 
feeling in the West — any special sensitiveness on this question in relation 
to the title of this Government to the Oregon territory, it springs from 
higher and nobler considerations. It is the result of a patriotic desire to see 
the integrity of the nation maintained, and the rights of our common coun- 
try preserved. It is no mere sectional question; and I trust that, when it 
may become necessary, all sections of the country will be found uniting in 
any effort and any sacrifices which may be necessary to vindicate the na- 
tional honor. 

I cannot pretend, like the gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Baker,) to an- 
swer for the Whigs of Illinois, Missouri, Arkansas, and Michigan. I can 
assume only to speak for those whom I represent. There may be a more 
martial feeling prevailing in some portions of the West than is to be found 
in Indiana. The gentleman from Illinois may be ambitious of covering 
his brow with the laurels which are to be acquired amid the " din of con- 
flict and the strife of arms." Par be it from me, sir, to call in question 
either the valor or the chivalry of the people of Illinois. They have suc- 
cessfully established their claim to both, not only in the celebrated Black 
Hawk war, which was conducted to a most glorious result, but in the more 
recent, though no less glorious war in which they were engaged with the 
great and powerful Mormon nation. The shouts of triumph which arose 
from the hard fought field on which the Mormons were routed and over- 
thrown, are yet ringing in our ears. Much less, sir, would I be disposed 
to question the valor of those gentlemen who represent that chivalrous peo- 



5 

pie here, with distinguished advantage to them, and honor to themsleves ; 
a portion of whom, if report has not erred , have won for themselves un- 
fading laurels in both of those wars. (Here Mr. Bakes remarked, " I 
wish the gentleman would specify.") Sir, (said Mr. S.,) I fear I should 
call the blush of modesty to that gentleman's cheek, should I recount the, 
brilliant achievements which rumor has attributed to liim in those memory- 
Die wars. And, sir, the distinguished gentleman before me, the honorable 
chairman of the Committee on Territories, (Mr. Dorm. ass , i is well under- 
stood to be a sharer in the same distinction, although his great modesty 
and well known diffidence might prevent him from claiming the meed of 
applause to which he is so justly entitled. But 1 beg leave to assure the 
gentleman, that a grateful country will fully appreciate the valor he has dis- 
played amidst those martial scenes ; and his praises will yel be sung, until 
they resound from the hills and valleys of the great West. 

It is not my design, Mr. Chairman, in the discussion of this question, to 
enter into an examination of the title by which we claim the Oregon terri- 
tory. The grounds of our title have been shown with signal ability by the 
able diplomatists to whom the negotiations have been entrusted by our Go- 
vernment. There is, however, one ground of title upon which our rights 
have been most eloquently urged here, which is so novel and peculiar in 
its character, that I must for a moment allude to it. I refer to the title of 
* ( manifest destiny." It has been urged, with much zeal, that "Ore- 
gon is ours by manifest destiny." I have examined, with some attention, 
{he elaborate and able correspondence which has taken place between me 
plenipotentiaries of the two Governments in relation to the title to the Ore- 
gon territory; and although it is admitted by all that our Secretary of State 
has displayed our title with great force and perspicuity, yet I have looked 
in vain to that correspondence for any reference to this new, and. as some 
gentlemen seem to suppose it, irresistible title. It is certainly reasonable to 
presume that our negotiator, in his anxiety to convince, not only the British 
plenipotentiary, but the world, of the validity of our title and the justice of 
our claims, would have cited and urged all the evidences of our title which 
he supposed could, by any possibility, strengthen our claims or justify our 
pretensions. Yet I do not find that he has, at any time, urged that we 
have a title to Oregon by "manifest destiny" Yattel and Grotius, as well 
as all other writers upon the law of nations, will be searched in vain for 
evidence of the existence of such a title. This title is certainly a very com- 
prehensive one, and, if established, will effectually put to rest all doubts and 
quibbles in regard to a title by treaty, d scovery, exploration, or settlement. 
It would certainlv possess one very important advantage over all the titles 
which have been recognised by civilized nations. Every nation must be 
allowed to judge of its own destiny, and of the rights which that destiny 
confers upon it. We can, therefore, extend our possessions and increase 
our dominions until they correspond with the grand conceptions we may 
form of our destiny. If Oregon is ours by "manifest destiny ," so equally 
is California, Mexico, Canada, and all of the British piovinces upon 
this continent. If our destiny gives us a right to them, we may as well at 
once commence the process of annexing or u re-<inne.cing" them to the 
United States. It has been recently rumored that our Government has 
furnished our newly appointed minister to Mexico with instructions, to open 
negotiations with Mexico for the purchase of California. Would it not bp 



as well to save to our Treasury the money which it may be proposed to 
expend in this purchase, and assert a title to California by " manifest des- 
tiny ?" Our claim to that province upon the ground of destiny is certainly 
as strong as the title by destiny to Oregon. California is separated from 
Oregon by no natural barrier. They are divided but by an artificial line. 
•*aad if the one is ours by " manifest destiny" I see not why the other is 
not equally so. 

Sir, I have too much confidence in the strength and justice of our claims 
to the Oregon territory, to consent to base our title upon pretensions so ridi- 
culous and absurd . What may be the ultimate designs of Providence in 
regard to our nation, or what, may be our ultimate destiny is not yet made 
manifest. It cannot be disguised, lhat there is in this country a rapidly in- 
creasing lust for national agrandizement — a thirst for territorial acquisitions — 
a longing for increased dominion. It is a spirit full of danger, and if fos- 
tered and encouraged, it needs not the spirit of prophecy to make manifest 
our destiny. Under the influence of this feeling, we have already cast 
wishful and longing eyes upon the provinces of our neighbors. The jealousy 
of other nations is already aroused against us, and we have reason to fear 
that the governments cf Europe, as well as of our own continent, will be 
united against us to check our encroachments upon the rights of others. 

The adverse claims of the United States and Great Britain to the Oregon 
territory, based as they are upon discoveries and explorations made by citi- 
zens of both countries, as w T ell as upon treaties made by both Governments 
with Spain, are necessarily, to some extent, uncertain in their character, and 
present a fit subject for negotiation and compromise. I have, however, no 
hesitation in saying that we have a good title to all of the territory, as far 
north as the forty-ninth parallel of north latttude; and I would not desire to 
see our Government make any concessions to Great Britain beyond those 
which have already been offered. The questions in dispute between the two 
countries, in relation to the title, have been a subject of difference between 
us for nearly thirty years. Efforts have been made to compromise them. 
at different periods, and under different administrations, but without success. 
As early as 1818 it was agreed, lhat the territory in dispute should be open 
and free to the citizens and subjects of both countries. In 1827, this agree- 
ment was renewed for an indefinite period, with a stipulation that it might 
be terminated, by either Government, on giving to the other twelve months, 
notice. It is proposed by the resolution now before the House, that we 
shall give the year's notice to Great Britain, required by the joint convention, 
to terminate it. A question as important as this, and one which involves 
consequences to the country of the greatest magnitude, should be viewed 
and determined without any reference to party politics. I trust it will be 
so considered, and that party spirit may be suffered to exercise no influence 
in its settlement. It cannot, however, be concealed, that efforts have been 
made to give it a party complexion. Previous to 1844, the country uni- 
versally acquiesced in the propriety of continuing the joint convention with 
Great Britain. But in the memorable political contest of that year, efforts 
were made to mingle the Oregon question with the elements of political 
strife, and to make it subservient to parlizan triumph. The Democratic 
convention , which assembled at Baltimore in May, 1844, aiid nominated 
the present incumbent of the Presidency as the candidate of the Demo- 
cratic party, presented the questions of Texas and Oregon as the twin off- 



spring of Democracy. Our title to all of Oregon was asserted, as well as 
the determination to sustain that title. During the canvas which followed, 
it will he recollected , that an effort was made to create the impression that 
the Democrats were the peculiar friends of Oregon, and that the Whigs 
were in favor of surrendering a portion of it to Great Britain by negotiation. 
Mr. Clay was repeatedly denounced, not only through the press, but upon 
this floor, because, while Secretary of State, he had instructed our minister 
to England to offer to surrender to Great Britain all of the Oregon terri- 
tory which lies north of the /orty- ninth parallel of north latitude, as a com- 
promise, although he believed our title to be good to the whole country up 
to fifty-four degrees and forty minutes. We all know the result of that 
contest. Mr. Polk was elected, and itwfts immediately announced that the 
public voice had decided that Texas must be annexed, and tbat our title to 
all of Oregon must be maintained. The annexation of Texas was pressed 
forward with hot haste, and its immediate consummation urged with a zeal 
which would admit of no delay. That measure having been disposed of, 
expectation was of course excited as to the course which was to be pursued 
by the incoming Administration in relation to the Oregon question. We 
all recollect the sensation which was produced , not only in this country, but 
in Europe, by the rhetorical flourish of the President, in his inaugural ad- 
dress, respecting our right to Oregon. Our title was " clear and unquestion- 
able," and must be maintained, was authoritatively announced. This 
manifesto was shortly after followed by an equally emphatic declaration of 
our rights, and of the determination of the Government to sustain them, in 
the "official organ" of the Administration, heralded to the world under the 
imposing caption of " the whole of Oregon, or none." Who for one mo- 
ment could have supposed, that an Administration, thus coming into power, 
with such lofty and high sounding pretensions upon this question — thus 
bearding the British lion in advance, and denouncing, in terms of vehement 
bitterness, those who before had offered to concede a portion of this territory 
to Great Britain for the sake of a compromise, would, within the first half 
year of its existence, offer to concede to the British Government, as large a 
portion of the Oregon territory as had been offered under the instructions of 
Mr. Clay while Secretary of State. Wliile I was canvassing for a seat in 
this House, during the last summer, rumor whispered that the President 
had offered to surrender the country north of forty-nine. The rumor was 
there most stoutly denied by his friends. That which was then but rumor, 
faintly whispered, is now rendered a certainty. The message of the Pres- 
ident has officially informed us, that he has renewed the offer of compro- 
mise formerly made, with the exception of the free navigation of the Co- 
lumbia river. He has offered to surrender to the British Government all 
of the territory which lies north of the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude. 
Where now are the muttering thunders of Democratic vengeance which 
have been so profusely poured out upon Mr. Clay for sanctioning a similar 
offer? Where now are the oft repeated denunciations against " British 
Whigs," who would be willing to surrender any portion of the Oregon ter- 
ritory to a foreign government ? The offer to surrender has been made by 
a Democratic Administration — by an Administration brought into existence 
under the vaunting resolutions of the Baltimore convention. 

I have not, Mr. Chairman, referred to these matters for the purpose of 
denouncing or censuring the President for the offer which he has made to 



compromise this vexed question. I approve of that offer, and only regret 
that it has not been accepted as the basis of a compromise. The country 
may find in the history of this question a useful lesson. They may learn to 
place a proper estimate upon the self praised patriotism of those who have 
denounced all compromise, and have charged with partiality to a foreign gov- 
ernment, those of our own citizens who have sought the means of preserv- 
ing the peace of the country in attempts to settle the controversy by fair and 
honorable negotiation. This is not the first time in the history of parties 
when men have reached power upon pledges which they found it utterly 
impossible to carry out. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams) 
has told us that he believes we shall have no war upon this question, and 
as one reason for his opinion he predicts that the Administration will "back 
ouV from its own positions. I shall not attempt to predict or to prejudge the 
Administration. Those who have been placed by the people at the head of 
the Government have assumed the responsibility of the negotiations upon 
this question, and to the country must they answer for the manner in which 
their responsibilities are discharged. 

But, Mr. Chairman, to come more immediately to the question before the 
House, I desire to present some of the reasons which will induce me to vote 
against the joint resolution now under discussion. This resolution proposes 
that Congress shall terminate the convention now existing between this Gov- 
ernment and the Government of Great Britain, which provides for the joint 
occupancy by the citizens of the two countries of the Oregon territory, I 
cannot regard the notice required to terminate that convention as a legisla- 
tive act. As a member of the committee on Foreign Affairs my views upon 
this point have already been submitted to the House in the report of the mi- 
nority of that committee. I believe the positions assumed in that report to 
be sound and well founded. The Constitution has wisely divided the pow- 
ers of the Government between different departments. The line which se- 
parates those departments is clear and well defined. The legislative depart- 
ment ought not to trench upon or invade the province of the other depart- 
ments. It will find enough to occupy its attention in its own legitimate 
sphere of action. The power to dissolve the convention with Great Britain 
is a power which belongs to the treaty-making department of the Govern- 
ment. By that department was the convention created, so far as this Gov- 
ernment had an agency in it, and by it alone can it be terminated. Con- 
gress can neither make treaties nor alter or modify those already in exist- 
ence. The joint convention by which the two countries have agreed to re- 
gulate the rights of their citizens to ingress to the country between the 
Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, is a treaty between them. An abroga- 
tion of that part of the treaty which creates the right of joint occupancy 
would be an alteration of that treaty, and this alteration can only be effected 
by the same power which created it. The convention, as originally created 
in 181 S, was limited by its own terms to a period of ten years. Before the 
expiration of that time it was renewed for an indefinite period, to be termi- 
nated by either party upon one year's notice. This notice, by which the 
convention is to be thus determined, must be given by one of the parties to 
the treaty to the other. 

The treaty-making power of the Government, it seems clear to my mind, 
is alone capable of giving the notice. Congress, it is true, may adopt reso- 
lutions advisory in their character, and calculated to stimulate the Executive 
in the discharge of the duties properly pertaining to that branch of the Gov- 



eminent. But such resolutions would have no weight beyond the moral 
power attached to them, as the opinions of those who immediately represent 
the people. The responsibility of the measure is placed by the Constitution 
in the hands of the Executive, and I see no good reason why that responsi- 
bility should be taken from that branch of the Government and exercised 
by Congress. There are other reasons, of great weight in my mind, why 
the question of giving the notice should be left with the Executive. The 
propriety of giving it, will, of course, depend much upon the state of nego- 
tiations with Great Britain. At the commencement of the present session, 
the President informed us that the negotiations had been brought to a close. 
They may, however, be renewed, and rumor is rife that they have been 
renewed. Great Britain may reconsider her hasty rejection of the proposi- 
tion which has been made by the President; and I hesitate not to say, that, 
should she do so, and agree to accept the forty-ninth parallel as the boun- 
dary line between us, it would be the duty, as well as the interest, of this 
Government, to settle the question upon that basis. The President will, of 
course, at all times be advised of the state of the negotiations, and can better 
judge than Congress of the time when it would be proper to give the notice. 

But, Mr. Chairman, if it should be admitted that the notice to terminate 
the joint convention can only be given through the action of Congress, it 
becomes us to deliberate maturely before we take, that step. Our action in 
this matter may involve consequences more serious than are now anticipated. 
The step, when once taken, cannot be retraced, and we should look well to 
the effect which the measure may produce, before we adopt it. I am free 
to confess, that I have not been able to discover reasons sufficient to satisfy 
me that we should give the notice at this time. The joint convention be- 
tween the United States and Great Britain has now be<m in force twenty- 
seven years. During that period, no effort has been made by Great Britain 
to terminate it, except by such negotiations as would settle, definitively, the 
whole question. Until within the last two years, but few in the United 
States have expressed the opinion that we should terminate it. There is 
no point of national honor which requires us to terminate it. Its continu- 
ance involves no sacrifice of principle or of interest. Our title to Oregon 
has lost nothing of its strength by the continuance of the convention, and 
surely will not become weaker by its longer continuance. But what is to 
be the effect of giving this notice? Those who advocate the resolution to 
give notice assure us that it is a pacific measure, and cannot be the means 
of producing war. If there is any gentleman here who desires to precipitate 
the country into a war, he has not the boldness to avow it. All are appa- 
rently the advocates of peace, and desire to adopt such measures as will pro- 
duce pacific results. Is this a measure of that character? I' confess, sir, I 
am not without serious apprehensions as to its results. The language used 
by the President in his message, to my mind, very clearly indicates that he 
regards it as the commencement of a series of measures which must result 
in war. I know not what are his private opinions, or what opinions he has 
expressed in his intercourse with others. I can only judge of his opinions 
from his official declarations. In his message he says: 

"The extraordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British. 
Government, and the rejection of the proposition made in deference alone 
to what had been done by my predecessors, and the implied obligation 
which their acts seemed to impose, afford satisfactory evidence that no corn- 



10 

promise which the United States ought to accept can be effected. With 
this conviction, the proposition of compromise which had been made and 
rejected, was, by my direction, subsequently withdrawn, and our title to 
the whole Oregon territory asserted, and, as is believed, maintained by irref- 
ragable facts and arguments." 

In this part of the message the President assumes that "no compromise 
which the United States ought to accept can be effected." Weil, sir, if 
the President believes that "no compromise which the United States ought 
to accept can be effected," what must we infer is his opinion as to the result 
of the question? He certainly cannot believe, if Great Britain will agree 
to no reasonable compromise, that she will surrender unconditionally all 
claim to the territory, and suffer our Government to take undisputed posses- 
sion of the whole of it. The inference, then, is irresistible , that he believes 
the question must be settled by the arbitrament of the sword . This infer- 
ence is strengthened by his language in another part of his message, in 
which he says: 

"At the end of the year's notice, should Congress think it proper to 
make provision for giving that notice, we shall have reached a period when 
the national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly main- 
tained. That they cannot be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national 
honor and interest, is too clear to admit of doubt." 

The opinion of the President, then, is clear and undisguised, that if this 
notice to terminate the joint convention shall be given to Great Britain, 
we shall be compelled, at the expiration of the year, to assert our claims 
to Oregon at the point .of the bayonet. In this opinion I fully concur. 
When the joint convention shall be terminated, we must then, at all 
hazards, take possession of the country, and compel Great Britain, by 
force, to abandon her pretensions. A war, then, can only be avoided by 
Great Britain surrendering her claims. Have we any reason to anticipate 
that she will do this? If she has refused, upon negotiation, to make any 
compromise which our Government can accept, can we believe that she 
will be driven by menace to an unconditional surrender? The pride and 
arrogance which she has at all times manifested in the assertion of what 
she has claimed as her rights, however they may be calculated to excite 
on our part feelings of indignation and hostility to her, yet fully show that 
we have no reason to count on her forbearance in the present controversy. 
The giving of the notice, it is true, is not of itself a war measure. Had 
the notice been given by the Executive, while the nogotiations were pro- 
gressing, it is highly probable that no injury could have resulted from it. 
It might, indeed, have led to an earlier settlement of the whole subject of 
controversy ; because , while it could not then have given any ground of 
offence to the British Government, it would have impressed upon the nego- 
tiators of both countries the necessity of an early and definitive settlement 
as the only means of preserving peace. The state of affairs, however, has 
materially changed. The President has abruptly terminated the negotia- 
tions, and withdrawn the proposition of compromise which he had made, 
alleging, at the same time, that he had only made that proposition in defer- 
ence to the opinions and acts of his predecessors, and against his own con- 
victions of right. At the same time he recommends to Congress to give 
the notice, as the preparatory step to the assertion of the claims of this 
Government, not alone to the territory as far north as forty-nine, but to the 



11 

whole of the Oregon territory — to the Russian line, at fifty-four forty. He 
distinctly informs us that, at the expiration of the year, we must either 
firmly assert our rights to the territory, or abandon them altogether. The 
plain and simple meaning of this is, that, at the expiration of the year, we 
must take, possession of the whole of the country, and drive the subjects of 
the English Government from every part of it. At the same time, the dis- 
cussions upon this question, both in Congress and through the public press, 
are conducted in a spirit of self-laudation and boastful eulogy of ourselves, 
and of bitter and vehement denunciation against. Great Britain, calculated 
to excite feelings of reciprocal hostility between the people of the two 
countries If this notice is now given under these circumstances, with the 
avowed declaration on the part of our Government that it is intended as a 
preparatory measure to the assertion of our claims to all of Oregon — with 
the angry passions of the people of both countries stirred up into mutual 
hatred — can we hope that negotiations will be renewed? Can we flatter 
ourselves into the belief that we can so operate upon the fears of Great 
Britain as to extort from her by menace that which she has refused as a 
proposition of compromise ? If she has refused the offers which we have 
already made, will the assertion of a determination on our part to force her 
into a submission to our demands, induce her at once to abandon her pre- 
tensions? Sir, I cannot, for one moment, believe it. 1 am irresistibly led 
to the conclusion, that the giving of this notice, at this time, in. the man- 
ner and under the circumstances in which it is proposed to give it, will 
effectually close the door to all future negotiations, and leave this contro- 
versy to be settled by the stern arbitrament of the sword. By this measure 
we shall "cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of war" to desolate the country. 
It may not be difficult to get into a war, but it may be extremely difficult 
to get out of it. After years of fighting, after the sacrifice of millions of 
our treasure, and the lives of thousands of our citizens, we shall still be 
compelled to settle the controversy by negotiation. May not negotiation be 
as successful now as then; and would it not be good policy to exhaust the 
means of diplomacy and negotiation, before we resort to harsher or sterner 
measures ? 

But, Mr. Chairman, if this question must be ultimately settled by the 
sword — if to secure our just rights in the Oregon territory it is necessary 
that we should engage in war with Great Britain, I would ask, are we in a 
condition to commence a war at this time? Does not every consideration 
of prudence and discretion require that we should make some preparation 
before we commence hostilities with the most powerful nation in the world? 
Every one who is familiar with the history of the last war with Great Britain 
is well aware of the difficulties we encountered from the unprepared condi- 
tion of tlte country when we engaged in it. The Government was crippled 
in its operations from the want of effective means to carry on the war. It 
is true, sir, that our gallant navy won for itself imperishable renown by its 
brilliant achievements; it is true, that the cross of St. George was compelled 
to yield, upon its own favorite element, in many a fierce conflict, to the 
stars and stripes; it is true that our valiant army covered itself with laurels 
whenever it could meet the enemy upon a fair field, and without too great 
a disparity of force. But, sir. these successes only shew how much more 
effective might have been our operations, and how much more brilliant 
might have been our success, if the resources and energies of the nation 



12 

had been properly marshalled for the conflict before its commencement. 
And ought we not, sir, to profit by the experience of the past? Shall we 
derive no instruction from the lessons which we have so abundant reason to 
remember? Every gentleman here must know, and does know, that the 
country is not prepared for war. With no navy but a few vessels, barely 
sufficient to afford protection to our commerce in time of peace ; with no 
army but a few regiments, constituting merely the nucleus of a military 
force; without fortifications or other means of defence upon our coasts; with 
our harbors unprotected, and our Atlantic cities defenceless, we are called 
upon to adopt measures calculated to involve us at once in a war with a na- 
tion fully prepared and armed at all points. Great Britain is fully prepared 
for a conflict of the most desperate character. During the past year all her 
immense resources have been applied to the increase of her naval and mili- 
tary power. She has at this time a navy exceeding in efficient force any 
which has ever before been afloat. Even now she is engaged in rapidly 
increasing her already immense means, of both offensive and defensive war- 
fare. At peace with all the world besides, she can concentrate all her ener- 
gies and resources for the contest with us, if a contest must ensue. We 
cannot be insensible to the extraordinary preparations made by the British 
Government during the past year. What may be the object of them we are 
left to conjecture. Whether that Government is arming to defend its claims 
to the Oregon territory, or whether it may be to meet any other object, we 
of course'have no means of knowing. But whatever may be the object of 
her preparations, they place her in a condition to operate most effectively 
against us, should we engage in hostilities. 

Sir, if we are to have war, we should at once commence active prepara- 
tions to meet it. If we are to adopt a measure which is to involve us in 
hostilities, we should immediately provide means for the defence of the 
country. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams) said, a few 
•days since, with much force and eloquence, while we are talking about 
raising two regiments of riflemen, and organizing a corps of miners and 
.sappers, Great Britain is arming her steamers, and preparing for a crisis, 
with an energy and vigor unparalleled in the history of civilized nations. 
Shall we neglect the warnings which are around us, until we are aroused 
from our state of fancied security by the thundering of the enemies' artil- 
lery upon our coasts, and the flames of our burning cities? 

Mr. Chairman, if the measure now under consideration, and which I 
cannot regard in any other light than a war measure, shall pass, our duty 
to the country will, in my opinion, require us immediately to adopt efficient 
means to place the country in a state of defence. I would not '•' prepare 
the hearts of the people for war" by appealing to theii passions, and ex- 
citing their national prejudices ; but I would prepare their arms for vigorous 
and successful defence. If we must have war, let us furnish the Adminis- 
tration with the means of prosecuting it vigorously and successfully. What- 
ever may be my want of confidence in those in whose hands the control of 
the Government has been placed, my vote shall be freely given for any ap- 
propriations they may ask to enable them to defend the country or protect 
its citizens. Unpalatable as taxation may be to my constituents, I shall not 
hesitate to aid in imposing upon them any amount which may be necessary 
to meet the crisis. Should war unfortunately come, however gentlemen 
may attempt to make political capital by raising the cry of " British party," 



13 

■no such party, I feel assured, will be found. When that crisis shall come, 
we shall be one in sentiment as we are one in destiny ; and the free millions of 
the American people will unite their energies, and vie with each other, in 
sacrifices to place the stars and stripes of our national flag in triumph on 
every field and every sea. 

I believe, sir, that no injury can result to this Government by a continu- 
ance of the convention with Great Britain. The territory is rapidly filling 
up with a hardy American population. The Chairman of the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs has informed us that there are already seven thousand 
American emigrants there. In a very short period the number will be 
quadrupled. The British Government is making no effort to colonize Ore- 
gon. The only British subjects in the territory are those who are connect- 
ed with the Hudson's Bay Company. Their number is but small, and 
their object is not to make permanent settlements, but to carry on a traffic 
with the Indians. Every year is giving to the American settlers additional 
strength. Let peace but continue, and but a short time will elapse until 
they will have strength sufficient to protect themselves, and defend the 
country against any power which may be brought against them. I am 
willing to aid in the adoption of any measures which may be necessary to 
their protection and security .consistent with the treaty stipulations into which 
we have entered. Let us afford to them the protection of our laws. Let 
us increase the facilities of emigration; and by stockade forts, or any other 
means which may be necessary , enable them safely and securely to reach 
the country. There can surely be no pressing necessity for the immediate 
o: anization of a territorial government for the accommodation of a popula- 
tion of but seven thousand— a population hardly equalling the half of the 
population of an ordinary county in one of the States. In the meantime 
opportunity may be afforded for the peaceful settlement of the controversy 
with Great Britain in regard to the title. If the controversy cannot be set- 
tled peacefully, and we shall be compelled to settle it by %tt linger of battle " 
we may, in the meantime, collect our resources, and place ourselves in a 
position to defend the territory successfully. 

But, Mr. Chairman, I cannot bring my mind to the belief, that two na- 
tions like the United States and Great Britain will suffer themselves to be 
forced into a war upon a question like this. We have repeatedly offered to 
surrender to Great Britain all of the territory which lies north of forty-nine. 
She has offered to surrender to us all that lies south of the Columbia river. 
The strip of territory between these boundaries, and which is the territory 
in dispute between the two Governments, is but trifling; trifling in extent, 
and trifling in importance, when compared with the calamitous consequen- 
ces which must result from a war between two such nations. But a short 
time has elapsed since we discharged the last of the national debt contracted 
during the late war. A war with Great Britain now, would compel us to 
contract a debt greatly beyond any we have ever before contracted. Hun- 
dreds of millions would be required to carry us through it, and when peace 
should again dawn upon us, we should have a load of national debt resting 
upon our shoulders which would require the energies and sacrifices of gen- 
erations to remove. But this evil, great as it might be, would be one of the 
smallest resulting from a war. The destruction of our property — the loss 
of our commerce with other nations — the sacrifice of the lives of many thou- 
sands of our best citizens — the demoralization of the country, always a 



14 

consequence of war — and the shock which would be given to the principles 
of free government — would heap up an accumulation of evil, from the 
effects of which it would require many years of peaceful prosperity to ena- 
ble us to recover. From these evils I cannot but most earnestly desire to 
see my country escape. They are evils which ought not to be lightly in- 
curred; and I cannot consent, as one of the representatives of the people, 
by any vote or act of mine, to aid in bringing the country to a crisis in 
which they must be incurred. 

There is no principle of necessity, there is no point of national honor, 
which requires us to incur them. Instead of vindicating our national honor, 
we should incur most deep dishonor by hurrying precipitately into a war 
upon a question which may be well and honorably adjusted without it. 

I deny, sir, the proposition which has been asserted, that there is no lon- 
ger any prospect of a compromise of this question. I believe, firmly, that 
i[ the notice to terminate the joint convention shall not be given, we shall 
have a speedy and honorable adjustment of the matter with the Govern- 
ment of Great Britain. It has been stated, and upon what many suppose 
to be good authority, that the British Government did not entirely approve 
of the hasty rejection, by Mr. Pakenham, of the offer of compromise made 
by Mr. Polk. In making that offer, I think Mr. Polk acted wisely; and 
however loudly some of his friends nray raise the shout of " All of Oregon, 
or none!" he will be fully sustained by the approving voice of the nation. 
It is too late to say, that the rights of Great Britain and the United States, 
in the Oregon territory, are not a proper subject of compromise. Our 
Government, for the last thirty years, in all the negotiations upon this sub- 
ject, has admitted that Great Britain has some rights there; and has repeat- 
edly offered to surrender to her a large portion of the territory. We cannot, 
if we would, disregard the previous negotiations. We cannot now repudi- 
ate the previous admissions and acknowledgments of our own Government, 
and insist upon an unconditional and absolute surrender of all claim on the 
part of the British Government. By pursuing this course, we should not 
only array Great Britain in hostility against us, but the sympathies of other 
nations would be enlisted in her favor. 

I do not believe that Great Britain desires to engage in a war with us 
upon this question. Her desire for peace is evidenced by the offer which 
she has made to settle the controversy by arbitration. I avail myself of this 
opportunity to express my deliberate conviction, that it is the imperative 
duty of this Government to accept of that mode of settlement of the con- 
troversy, rather than to engage in a war. It is objected to a settlement of 
the question by arbitration, that any monarch to whom it might be referred, 
would, from prejudices against a republican government, make an award 
against our claim. Sir, it is not necessary that we should submit the ques- 
tion to any monarch. It might be referred to arbitrators, consisting of emi- 
nent citizens of our own country, in connection with citizens of Great Bri- 
tain and other nations of Europe. Should we have any reason to doubt or 
distrust an umpirage of this character? I believe not, sir. I believe the 
interest and the honor of this country would be safe, confided to such hands; 
and I can see no sufficient reason why our Government should refuse to 
submit to such an arbitrament. By a reference of the question in dispute 
to arbitrators, we make no concessions inconsistent with the honor of the 



15 

nation. If our title is "clear and unquestionable," we have no reason to 
fear that a decision will be made adversely to us. Beyond all doubt, we 
should, by an award of disinterested arbitrators, obtain terms of settlement 
at least as favorable as those which we have now at four different periods 
offered to Great Britain. All peaceable means of settling the question 
should be exhausted, before a resort should be had to arms. The civilized 
world* will justly hold us responsible, if we adopt measures calculated to 
disturb the general peace, while it may honorably be avoided. 

Efforts have been made, both in this country and in England, to inflame 
the public mind, and produce feelings of mutual hostility, which have 
doubtless exercised a prejudicial influence upon the negotiations. This is 
greatly to be regretted. A course of this kind can effect nothing but evil. 
We shall gain neither the respect nor the good will of other nations, by 
swelling praises of our own patriotism, or vauutings of our valor. A settle- 
ment of the controversy cannot be facilitated by indulging in eulogies upon 
ourselves or abuse of Great Britain. 

I am not insensible, Mr. Chairman, to the danger of denunciation, to 
which I expose myself, by advocating pacific measures. I know that 
there is a chord in the popular mind which can be made to vibrate sen- 
sibly by the warlike appeals which are made to the feelings and pas- 
ssion of the people. I know the influence which may be excited by 
sneering allusions to the " peace party.'''' But, sir, I cannot suffer myself 
to be swerved from the conscientious discharge of the duty which I owe to 
my constituents by any fear of denunciations, or by any regard for personal 
considerations. 1 feel assured that their interest, and the interest of the 
whole country, will be best promoted by peace. I know that the spread 
of free principles, and the triumph of republican institutions, can only be 
secured by peace. I know that war is a great and terrible calamity, only 
to be endured in the last extremity — a resort for the settlement of national 
difficulties, imposing unmitigated evil upon both parties, and never to be 
justified, but as the only means of preserving the honor or the rights of a 
nation. We have not reached a crisis when it is necessary for the main- 
tenance of either our honor or interest that we should resort to this extreme 
mode of settling our difficulties. I cannot, therefore, give my support to a 
measure which I believe is calculated to place us in a position in which 
war will be inevitable. I prefer rather to pursue that course which will 
lead to pacific measures and honorable results ; trusting and believing, as I 
do most confidently, that I shall find my vindication in the sober and dis- 
creet judgment of my own constituents. 



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